Burundi: En bref ce 23 JUIN 2006 ...

Ce jeudi, 22 juin 2006, le Président du Congrès Islamique Mondial et Président du Conseil de Dialogue et Réconciliation en Arabie Saoudite, Dr Abdallah Omar Nassif a visité le Sénat du Burundi pour se rendre compte de l’historique, de la composition et du fonctionnement dudit Sénat.

S’agissant de l’historique, le Président du Sénat, Honorable Gervais Rufyikiri lui a présenté brièvement l’évolution du Sénat du Burundi depuis 1965 jusqu’à nos jours.

Quant à la composition, l’Hon. Rufyikiri lui a dit que le Sénat compte 49 sénateurs, dont 34 élus, 8 femmes cooptées, 3 d’ethnie Twa cooptés et 4 anciens chefs d’Etat.

En ce qui concerne le fonctionnement, le Président du Sénat du Burundi lui a indiqué brièvement la navette des projets ou propositions de lois à savoir le Gouvernement, l’Assemblée Nationale et le Sénat.

L’Honorable Gervais Rufyikiri a fait savoir à Dr Nassif que le Sénat effectue d’autres activités entre autres le contrôle de l’action gouvernementale, la représentation du peuple ainsi que l’analyse et l’adoption des projets ou propositions de lois.

De son côté, le Président du Congrès Islamique Mondial et Président du Conseil de Dialogue et Réconciliation en Arabie Saoudite, Dr Nassif a promis que son pays va continuer à appuyer le Burundi pour son développement socio-économique. Signalons que la visite du Dr Abdallah Omar Nassif s’inscrit dans le cadre du renforcement des relations bilatérales entre le Burundi et l’Arabie Saoudite.

A noter qu’après leurs entretiens, le Dr Nassif a visité les locaux du Sénat à savoir la Salle des réunions, le Cyber des Sénateurs, le Secrétariat central et la Bibliothèque.

http://www.senat.bi
Ce mercredi, 21 juin 2006, Son Excellence le Président du Sénat du Burundi, Monsieur Gervais Rufyikiri a reçu en audience Monsieur C.D Orike, ambassadeur du Nigéria accrédité au Burundi, Rwanda et ayant résidence en Uganda.

Leurs entretiens ont porté essentiellement sur les relations bilatérales existantes entre le Nigéria et le Burundi. L’Honorable Gervais Rufyikiri a émis le souhait de voir ces relations d’amitié se renforcer entre les deux pays notamment par le biais des échanges d’expérience et dans le domaine du développement dans son ensemble.

Le Président du Sénat lui a fait savoir que le Burundi est en cours de reconstruction et que l’évolution du processus de paix est encourageante si bien que les investissements s’avèrent nécessaires pour la relance économique.

Il a aussi indiqué que dans un proche avenir une loi mettant en place la Brigade anti-corruption sera analysée et adoptée afin de lutter contre la corruption.

Hon. Rufyikiri a dans ce cadre salué la bonne volonté des pays amis qui appuient le Burundi dans cette phase de la relance du développement.

Pour sa part, l’ambassadeur du Nigéria C.D. Orike a promis de contribuer au renforcement des relations d’amitié entre son pays et le Burundi, et que son pays va appuyer ce dernier dans les secteurs de l’éducation, l’agriculture, des infrastructures sociales, de sécurité et de l’ industrie.

Monsieur Orike a en outre souligné que son pays ne ménagera aucun effort en vue d’appuyer le développement au Burundi car avec la paix, estime-t-il, les attentes de la population seront réalisées.

BUJUMBURA, 23 June (IRIN) - The European Union (EU), a major donor to Burundi, has asked the government to investigate claims of corruption and forgery in a EU-funded programme that was set up in 2001 to rehabilitate infrastructure in the country that is emerging from 12 years of civil war.

"The money was allocated to Burundians to improve their living conditions but instead of serving the interests of the Burundian community, it has been used to enrich some individuals, that is unacceptable," Georges Marc André, the EU representative to Burundi said on Thursday in Bujumbura, the Burundian capital.

The EU's contribution to Burundi accounts for 50 percent of the country's donor aid.

Andre made the remarks after the EU mission presented a report on the five-year Burundi Rehabilitation Programme, known by its French acronym PREBU, to Burundian authorities on Wednesday. The report was compiled by the EU's anti-fraud bureau, the Européen de Lutte Anti-Fraude (OLAF).

OLAF said it had found that a series of irregularities occurred in the disbursement of funds under the rehabilitation programme. These included cases of fraud, corruption and forgery.

André said some entrepreneurs OLAF interviewed said they had been "forced to give bribes to get tenders".

He said the EU expects the Burundian government to follow-up on the recommendations in the OLAF report and take legal action against those responsible.

André declined to disclose the amount of money embezzled, saying it was not the amount that mattered but the fact that the money had been diverted from its intended purpose.

Following the release of the report, André said, the EU now wanted guarantees from the government that money from European taxpayers would be used for the benefit of all Burundians.

If the government fails to act on the report, André said, the move would have a negative impact not only on EU funding for the country but also on aid disbursement from other donors.

The Burundian prosecutor-general, Jean Bosco Ndikumana, said on Friday he had received the EU report and was ready to begin legal proceedings but was waiting for the go-ahead from the Ministry of Justice.

However, Ndikumana said all embezzlement cases would normally fall within the competence of an anti-corruption court, and although the Burundian parliament has adopted a Bill establishing the court, it is not yet operational.

"But even if it is not yet put in place, it will not hinder us from investigating these cases, we will transmit it to the court later on," Ndikumana added.

The rehabilitation programme ended in December 2005, having helped in the repair of destroyed social infrastructure such as schools, health centres and water supply in several provinces in the country.

On 21 June, the office of the EU representative in Burundi issued a statement saying the programme had facilitated the rehabilitation of several social infrastructures across the country. However, it deplored the existence of fraud that it said had "limited the impact of the funding as the interest of some individuals had harmed in unacceptable way those of the majority".

Burundi peace talks to resume in Tanzania
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 23 June 2006 Sapa-AFP

Peace talks between the government of Burundi and the country's last active rebel group resumed in Tanzania on Friday after a four-day interruption, a Tanzanian official said.

Representatives of Bujumbura and the National Liberation Forces (FNL) returned to the table in the Tanzanian commercial capital, Dar es Salaam, in a bid to meet a July 2 deadline to reach a permanent ceasefire deal, the official said.

"The talks have resumed this morning," the official, a Tanzanian military officer participating in the discussions, told Agence France-Presse. "It is tough. We hope we will succeed."

After reaching a tentative, preliminary agreement on June 18 in which the government pledged provisional immunity for FNL fighters and recognition of the group as a political party once a formal pact is signed, the two sides set a two-week deadline to forge a permanent truce.

After a short break, the South African-mediated talks had set to resume on Wednesday but were delayed twice for as-yet unclear reasons amid allegations that the FNL were intentionally stalling.

The parties opened direct talks on May 29 in a new push to reach a lasting peace in Burundi, which is emerging from the devastation of more than a decade of civil war that has claimed about 300 000 lives.

The FNL, which has between 1 500 and 3 000 fighters, is the only one of Burundi's seven Hutu rebel groups not to have signed on to a 2000 peace deal.

It has also shunned a government elected last year under a new power-sharing Constitution that is headed by a former Hutu rebel leader.

Burundi's war erupted in 1993 with the assassination of the country's first democratically elected president, a member of the Hutu majority, by officers in the minority Tutsi-dominated army. --

Burundi must prosecute over 5 mln euro aid theft-EU
23 Jun 2006 Source: Reuters More By Patrick Nduwimana

BUJUMBURA, June 23 (Reuters) - The European Union, Burundi's biggest donor, has demanded prosecutions for the embezzling of 5 million euros ($6.29 million) in aid, in a first test of the new government's pledge to deal harshly with corruption.

If it fails to punish the culprits, EU representative Georges-Marc Andre said the central African country risks losing donor funding it desperately needs to spark economic revival after a decade of civil war.

"We demand the government prosecute the people who embezzled that money and arrest them so that it can be given back," Andre said in a broadcast on state television late on Thursday.

EU investigators said in a report earlier this week they discovered the theft, from a community development programme, had spanned 2001 to 2005.

The government promised to punish the thieves.

"The government committed itself to combat corruption and economic embezzlement. It is a matter of time. I am sure all those who stole from the nation will end up in prison," spokesman Karenga Ramadhani said.

The EU, which gives half of the roughly $200 million in international aid Burundi receives a year, was not stopping funding now but would consider doing so, Andre said.

"There will be an impact if the government judges it was simply an accident without giving an appropriate response to the issue. There will be problem not only with the European Union, but also with the rest of donors," he said.

President Pierre Nkurunziza's government, the fruit of a peace plan backed by regional countries and the United Nations, promised zero tolerance for corruption when it came to power in August.

Following the lead of neighbouring Rwanda, Nkurunziza ordered that expensive state vehicles be sold and laid down several austerity measures in an effort to jumpstart an economy in which most live on the equivalent of 25 U.S. cents a day.

Burundi is tasting relative peace for the first time since 1993, when the assassination of its first democratically elected Hutu president by Tutsi paratroopers sparked a cycle of ethnic reprisals that killed 300,000 over the 12 years.

Burundi in line for Africa Peace Award
June 23, 2006 http://www.sabcnews.com

Burundi will this week receive the prestigious Africa Peace Award from the African Centre for the Corrective Resolution of Disputes (Accord) for the country's efforts in nation building in the past few years. The award comes a few days after the FNL rebel movement and the Burundi government signed a peace agreement to end conflict in their country.

"The award will act as validation for the people of Burundi, it will give us a boast for the reconstruction of our country," says Antoinette Batumubwira, the Burundian foreign minister. Accord which was established in 1996 will give Burundi the peace award for their peaceful settlement of disputes. "Recipients of the award have to meet either one of the set criteria's which are the protection of human rights, peaceful settlement of disputes or good governance of public affairs," says Vasu Gounden, the executive director of Accord.

Previous recipients of the Accord award include; Nelson Mandela, the former president, Mozambique, Nigeria and Children of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as an attempt to highlight the plight of child soldiers.

Pierre Nkurunziza, the Burundian president, President Thabo Mbeki and other dignitaries will attend the award ceremony in Durban tomorrow. edited by Margaret Maluleka

Burundi in line for Africa Peace Award
DURBAN, South Africa, June 23 --- sabcnews Burundi will this week receive the prestigious Africa Peace Award from the African Centre for the Corrective Resolution of Disputes (Accord) for the country's efforts in nation building in the past few years.

The award comes a few days after the FNL rebel movement and the Burundi government signed a peace agreement to end conflict in their country.

"The award will act as validation for the people of Burundi, it will give us a boast for the reconstruction of our country," says Antoinette Batumubwira, the Burundian foreign minister.

Accord which was established in 1996 will give Burundi the peace award for their peaceful settlement of disputes.

"Recipients of the award have to meet either one of the set criteria's which are the protection of human rights, peaceful settlement of disputes or good governance of public affairs," says Vasu Gounden, the executive director of Accord.

Previous recipients of the Accord award include; Nelson Mandela, the former president, Mozambique, Nigeria and Children of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as an attempt to highlight the plight of child soldiers.

Pierre Nkurunziza, the Burundian president, President Thabo Mbeki and other dignitaries will attend the award ceremony in Durban tomorrow.

Burundi: Rwanda -Burundi Delegates Meet Over Border Conflicts
The New Times (Kigali) June 22, 2006 Martin Tindiwensi Kigali

Rwandan government officials and their counterparts from Burundi on Monday, June 19, met to discuss the continuous land conflicts between residents of both countries who live near the border mostly in Burundi's northern provinces of Ngozi, Kirundo and Muyinga in the north-east.

The four-day conference that took place at the National University of Rwanda, Huye District included a twelve man delegation from Burundi, Rwandan and delegates from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, provincial leaders and security personnel.

The Burundian delegates led by Brigadier General Bernard Bizonya, the president of the commission that was set up to solve these conflicts, were received by the Provincial Governor Eraste Kabera.

In his opening remarks, the Governor said that the border problem was as a result of the colonial masters that made it without the consent of the neighbouring residents from the two countries.

"The current problem is mostly caused by the Akanyaru River which is at the border of both countries. During the rainy season, the river floods encroach on Rwandan or Burundian land in some areas and farmers are forced out of their gardens which sometimes results into conflicts between residents of both countries competing for land. Had the colonialists who demarcated both countries consulted the residents around that area, this conflict would not be arising and our people would be at peace with each other," Kabera explained.

He said that as two sister countries that have a lot in common and with good relations, a lasting solution has to be found to avert any serious conflict that may arise. "We have to do everything possible to settle this problem because as sister countries, we will always join hands to solve any problem that may arise through diplomatic channels," he added.

The Governor expressed optimism that the current conflict over land would be solved diplomatically without any confrontation, since even other issues like refugees have been solved through peaceful means.

Delegates from both countries will use maps as the main tools to settle the land disputes among the communities living along the border, mostly in Burundi's northern provinces of Ngozi, Kirundo and Muyinga in the northeast.

"We are going to examine the historical documents such as maps as the main tools to settle the disputes among the communities living along the border. We hope at the end of the day we shall have the proper demarcation of these borders," explained Joseph Havugimana, one of the delegates from Burundi.

This meeting comes as a follow-up to the previous one that was held in the Burundian capital, Bujumbura this year on Tuesday, May 08-09.

UGANDA

Zimbabwe, Rwanda, Burundi girls in Uganda
June 23, 2006, Source : Monitor By ANDnetwork .com

Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Burundi have already arrived in Uganda ahead of the first edition of the Southern Africa Confederation of African Rugby (CAR) Women Sevens tournament scheduled for this Saturday at Kyadondo RFC.

Tournament coordinator Ramsey Olinga confirmed the arrival of the three teams for the International Rugby Board (IRB) sanctioned event.
The one-day tourney will cost a whooping Shs35million and several local companies have boosted the preparations of the event by providing sponsorship packages both in cash and kind. The official sponsors Uganda Breweries Ltd (UBL) have injected Shs10million.

The co-sponsors are Icemark Africa (Shs5million), MTN (Shs1million airtime and public address system), Rwenzori Water (40 cartons of water), Coke (33 crates of soda), International Air Ambulance (physiotherapy and medical care for all teams) and Toyota Yamaha (magazines and tournament brochures).

CAR also facilitated the Uganda Rugby Union (URU) with $8,000 or Shs.14.4m to organize the tournament. South Africa are the top seeds of the tournament whereas Uganda are seeded number two. "Entrance is free and a tournament of this magnitude will give our women the necessary exposure in their quest to ascend higher in the IRB rankings," said country manager Herbert Wafula .

Christine Kizito and Warri Nambirige will captain the nation's two sides - Lady Cranes and Uganda Select respectively. The coaches are Mark Olweny, Roger Sebina and Robert Seguya whereas Jerry Burley is the fitness coach.

Investir dans les infrastructures en Afrique: la Commission va consacrer 30 millions € aux principaux axes routiers en Tanzanie
23 juin 2006 http://www.welcomeurope.com

La Commission européenne a approuvé l’octroi de 30 millions € destinés à un vaste programme de modernisation des routes en Tanzanie.
Ce programme améliorera les liaisons entre Dar es-Salaam et Mwanza, deuxième ville de Tanzanie. Ces travaux de modernisation réduiront les coûts de transport dans le couloir central de l’Afrique de l’Est, permettant ainsi à un plus grand nombre de personnes d’accéder aux marchés et aux liaisons commerciales dans cette région. Ce programme s’ajoute aux plus de 170 millions € investis par l’Union européenne dans le réseau routier tanzanien depuis 2002, et fait partie d’une stratégie plus large de construction d’infrastructures reliant les pays du continent africain.

Ce programme permettra de moderniser les tronçons de la route entre Mwanza et Tinde, ainsi qu’entre Nzega et Isaka. Cette route fait partie du couloir central de l’Afrique de l’Est qui relie la capitale tanzanienne, Dar es-Salaam, à Mwanza, la ville qui connaît la plus forte croissance du pays, ainsi qu’aux pays voisins que sont l’Ouganda, le Rwanda, le Burundi et le Kenya. La Commission travaille avec plusieurs partenaires, y compris l’Agence routière tanzanienne, à la réalisation de ce projet qui devrait être achevé avant la fin de 2007.

Le renforcement des infrastructures et celui des liaisons dans toute l’Afrique figurent parmi les principaux objectifs de la stratégie UE-Afrique adoptée par le Conseil européen en décembre 2005. Cette stratégie propose de conclure un partenariat UE-Afrique pour les infrastructures, auquel la Commission mettra la dernière main le mois prochain. Ce partenariat engagera et soutiendra des programmes de construction de liaisons transafricaines et investira dans des infrastructures transfrontalières telles que des routes, des chemins de fer, des infrastructures dans le domaine de l’eau et de l’énergie et dans les TIC.

Cet investissement en Tanzanie fait partie d’un plus vaste plan des pouvoirs publics et des donateurs en Afrique orientale visant à développer un réseau de grands axes routiers entièrement bitumés et prévoir un financement spécifique pour les futurs travaux de maintenance. Ces routes contribueront à la croissance et aux échanges qui sont nécessaires pour réduire la pauvreté. Sans le soutien de l’Union européenne, les pouvoirs publics tanzaniens auraient été dans l’obligation de trouver eux-mêmes ce financement supplémentaire, éventuellement au détriment d’autres projets essentiels dans des secteurs tels que l’éducation ou la santé.

All systems go for DRC's long awaited elections
June 23, 2006, http://www.sabcnews.com

The DRC does not expect nay major disruptions during the upcoming elections in July

Officials say it will be an enormous and difficult task, but its all systems go for the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC's) first democratic elections in 40 years. William Swing, the UN head of mission in that country, says the country is due to hold the election at the end of July.

Swing was addressing the joint standing committee on defence in Parliament today. The DRC is home to close to 60 million people. Analysts argue that its one of the richest countries on the continent, and if there's stability it would mean stability in the entire region.

But its been savaged by war and famine, and the UN estimates that during the past five years four million people have been killed and Parliamentarians wanted to know if the country's ready for the elections. Swing assured parliamentarians saying that even though security remains a concern, it's all systems go.

Not expecting any major disruptions
He says there is nothing in the security area that will spoil elections, but is aware of some instability. He says they don't expect any major disruptions. But analysts argue that despite the presence of the 17 000 UN blue helmets now, it's essential that they don't simply pack up and leave after the elections.

Adekeye Adebajo, from the Centre for Conflict Resolution, says South Africa can play an important role in ensuring that the international community assists in the post- DRC.

With 33 presidential candidates and close to 10 000 candidates vying for 500 seats, the UN says their work has been cut out. South Africa has been mandated to print the country's 25 million ballot papers and will have a huge observer mission in that country.

Congo-Kinshasa: EUFOR Mission Officially Launched
United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Kinshasa) June 23, 2006 Monuc

German General Karlheinz Viereck, commander of the EUFOR operation in DRC, which is charged with supporting the security of the upcoming elections with MONUC, officially launched the European Union mission today.

The official press conference unfolded in the hotel Memling in Kinshasa, in the presence of General Christian Damay, the operational commander of the force, as well as Aldo Ajello, the European Union special envoy to the Great Lakes region.

Mr. Ajello reminded the Congolese politicians that they had to engage in a productive electoral campaign.

"We are strongly concerned by what has happened in the past few weeks, but we are confident that the DRC can be an example to all other African countries in relation to the holding of credible democratic elections," he said.

In his address, General Viereck reiterated the military objective of the mission, which will bring European support to aid the success of the elections in DRC.

The elements of EUFOR will intervene in different parts of the country with the aim of assisting with regional security. Every intervention will involve close cooperation with MONUC forces and the National Congolese security forces.

"We are providing additional security for the Congolese people, and I'm confident that EUFOR will be visible," explained General Viereck.

The commander of EUFOR also assured those present that the actions of the European force will always be impartial.

"It is not a question of supporting individuals, and especially not the political parties. We are here to defend the interests of the Congolese people in the electoral period," he underlined.

He added that EUFOR would not tolerate any acts of violence aimed at hampering the progress of the elections and undermining the mission.

In relation to the planning of operations, General Viereck indicated that the mission would collaborate closely with the national Congolese police (PNC), as well as the national Congolese army (FARDC), and the MONUC forces that are operating in DRC. The coordination of the whole operation is being coordinated by military and civilian experts in Potsdam Germany, where the 'operational headquarters' is situated.

The first elements of the European force have just arrived in Kinshasa. This advance force of German, French and Belgian troops are preparing the arrival of 800 troops into Kinshasa. 1,200 other soldiers will form part of a strategic rapid reaction force, and will be based in the French military base in Libreville, Gabon.

The main tactical base of the mission will be situated in N'Dolo airport in Kinshasa, holding the bulk of the European forces stationed in the DRC. EUFOR forces will also be deployed in N'Djilli airport to oversee logistics.

EUFOR will be fully operational from July 29 2006, with an initial mandate period of four months.

Kabila calls for pre-election talks
June 23 2006- AFP
Kinsasha - The administration of Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila announced on Friday consultations aimed at ensuring the country's first democratic elections in more than 40 years, to be held next month, are peaceful and credible.
The discussions "will notably cover questions of security of electoral candidates, their access to the media and their acceptance of results", said a statement signed by Leonard She Okitundu, director of Kabila's office.
Dozens of political parties and associations and the Congolese Catholic Church have for weeks been calling for talks to overcome the lack of national consensus over the organisation of the July 30 presidential, local and legislative elections - the first since 1961 after the nation gained independence from Belgium.
"These consultations will take part, on one hand, as part of official institutions and mechanisms, and on the other hand, in a larger framework that needs to be decided," the text said, giving no date for the talks.

DR Congo: 4,000 displaced persons fleeing militias reach UN sanctuary
23 June 2006 http://www.un.org

A group of IDPs near the border with Uganda
23 June 2006 – Some 4,000 displaced people have escaped the clutches of militias in the north-east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), trekking for up to 80 kilometres though forests to reach sanctuary where they are receiving food and shelter from the United Nations refugee agency and its partners.

Their numbers are expected to grow. Some are still hiding in the nearby forest, naked and too ashamed to show themselves after ethnic Ngiti militiamen reportedly stripped fellow tribespeople trying to leave areas under their control. These internally displaced persons (IDPs) at Bukiringi, in the vast Orientale province, urgently need food and clothing.

“The Ituri population is tired of militia rule, even if the self-proclaimed commanders come from their community,” UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) representative Eusèbe Hounsokou said, referring to the province to the north from the IDPs fled.

They say they will not go back to their militia-controlled home areas, where they were virtual hostages.

The latest flights are just one of the many problems facing the huge country as it prepares to hold elections at the end of next month to cement its transition from a six-year civil war that cost 4 million lives through fighting and attendant hunger and disease - the most lethal conflict in the world since World War II.

The IDPs, mainly ethnic Ngiti, began arriving in Bukiringi in early June after receiving UN assurances about their safety. UN peace-keepers delivered a first shipment of aid to them by helicopter on 8 June.

International concern for them had mounted in May when DRC government forces, backed by UN peace-keepers, launched a successful offensive to capture the militia stronghold of Tchei. Thousands fled the town and UNHCR decided to start a protection programme amid reports that militias were forcing 10,000 civilians to stay with them.

Life on the run has become the norm for many communities in Ituri, where various militia groups have won a reputation for harassing and abusing civilians. The elderly and weak are often left behind as fighting forces another move in the harsh terrain.

The difference between refugees - those who have crossed an international border to escape violence and persecution in their homeland - and IDPs blurs in this volatile corner of Africa. UNHCR’s humanitarian protection effort in Ituri is part of its expanded global role in caring for IDPs, who often face the same problems as refugees.

SOUTH AFRICA:

SA, Mozambique strengthen ties further
Date: 23 Jun 2006 - BuaNews
Compiled by the Government Communication and Information System

Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad is today meeting his Mozambican counterpart, Dr Eduardo Koloma to further strengthen ties between the two countries.

The two are expected to discuss a wide range of issues relating to bilateral relations and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region.

Issues on the agenda include bilateral political and economic relations between the two countries; preparations for President Mbeki's visit to Mozambique on 29 June where he will co-chair the South Africa - Mozambique Economic Bilateral Forum; regional developments as well as other issues of mutual interest.

The Foreign Affairs Department explained that discussions between the two took place within the context of South Africa's commitment to consolidate relations with countries in the region with a view to achieving the African developmental agenda.

It said South Africa and Mozambique shared views on a number of issues affecting the SADC region and the continent including the implementation of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD).

"Both countries have also shown their united political commitment to work towards the cessation of armed conflicts on the African continent, inter alia through the successful deployment of South African and Mozambican troops in a peacekeeping capacity in Burundi," it said.

South Africa and Mozambique's economic relationship is said to be the strongest in the Southern Africa region.

Statistics show that in 2005 41.4 percent of Mozambique's imports emanated from South Africa and about 12.9 percent of Mozambique exports were destined for South Africa.

Total exports by South Africa to Mozambique in 2005 were valued at R6, 402 billion while South Africa imported goods from Mozambique to the value of over R199 million in the same period.

The Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) has been used by the South African government as the primary catalyst for South African investment in Mozambique.

To date, the IDC has approved funding for ten projects geographically spread throughout Mozambique and is currently considering investing in six additional projects there.

The projects range from mining and mineral beneficiation, agriculture, tourism, chemicals, forestry, transport infrastructure to energy.

Foreign affairs reports that the Mozal Aluminium Smelter (Mozal 1 and II) remains the IDC's largest investment outside the borders of South Africa while another major project funded by the IDC is the titanium-bearing mineral sands in southern Mozambique (US$ 600 million).

Other South African major investments in Mozambique include the Sasol Gas Pipeline Project (US$ 1.4 billion); US$50 million investment by SABMiller in beer factories in Maputo and Beira; US$63 million by Illovo Sugar in Maragra sugar mill as well as US$15.5 million investment by McCormack to construct Matola Plaza outside Maputo.

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Democracy and security in Africa - Triesman

Event: Chatham House Africa Programme
Location: London Speech Date: 21/06/06 Speaker: Lord Triesman
Source: Government of the United Kingdom Date: 22 Jun 2006

Thank you for inviting me to take part in the Chatham House Africa Programme. It is always a pleasure to be here and to talk about Africa with so many experts.

I do not imagine that this is the first time democracy and security in Africa has been on your agenda. Nor will it be the last. These are themes to which we will return time and time again, I have no doubt. For they are issues which lie at the heart of Africa's development and until there is democracy and security in Africa there will be little if any progress.

The challenges facing Africa remain huge. Progress on one front is so often accompanied by regression on another. As a faint glimmer of hope begins to emerge in the appalling conflict in Sudan with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement, the situation in Somalia deteriorates, threatening to draw in Ethiopia. And the Ethiopia/ Eritrea border once again a tinder box.

Where-ever the conflict, whatever the cause, it is innocent people - not necessarily aligned with any side - who suffer in their millions. A community, a whole nation decimated by war, hunger, disease or rapidly diminishing natural resources is a lost generation. In 2000 over half the countries in Africa and twenty percent of the population were affected by conflict. During the previous decade over six million people died and over twenty million were displaced as a direct result of conflict. The vast majority do not die on the battlefields but because of the disruption of essential services: security, food, health or at the hands of armed marauders. Small wars can create enormous humanitarian disasters.

The human cost of the Darfur conflict so far is two million people internally displaced or seeking refuge in neighbouring Chad.

It is not only war-torn countries who suffer but increasingly their neighbours, often barely able to deal with their own internal issues, let alone host hundreds of thousands of impoverished refugees as we are seeing in Chad. And in turn Chad-based forces maraud in Darfur.

Internal conflicts are increasingly seeping across borders as rebel, state and state-less armed forces move their operations over national boundaries. And in many places, these borders are difficult to identify at best. We have seen clear evidence of this in the DRC where Rwandan, Ugandan and Burundian rebel groups have based themselves in DRC to regroup and continue their rebellions. And support for home-grown Congolese rebel groups has come from across its borders.

Indeed the many years of conflict in the DRC drew in so many tribal and national factions from within and outside the DRC that few understood who supported whom. A South African cartoonist described the situation thus: A peacekeeper at a road block in Congo sees the tip of a rocket-propelled grenade launcher poking out of a bush. 'Halt', he cries: 'Who goes there?' 'Congolese Rally for Democracy', comes the reply. 'Hang on a minute', says the peacekeeper, and he turns to consult a chart of parties to the war, of which seven are listed as 'friend', eight are listed as 'foe' and ten are listed as 'not sure'.

The human toll of failed states continues to rise. And it is not just neighbouring countries who are affected. The collapse of states causes waves of migrants northwards towards a safer, richer Europe. In 2004 almost half of all the asylum claims made in the UK were from Africans. Four of the top ten asylum claimant source countries are in Africa: Somalia, Eritrea, Nigeria and DRC.

Six of the top ten countries on the 2006 Failed States Index published by Foreign Policy magazine are African: Sudan, DRC, Cote d'Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Chad and Somalia.

As we look at failed or failing states, it is hard not to be struck by two quirks of history. First, as African states assumed their independence from colonial powers, to make rapid progress they adopted colonial borders. These borders were, and often remain arbitrary lines drawn in London, Paris, Berlin and Rome, reflecting colonial interests or convenient stand-offs between powers. The borders divided tribes, clans, religious blocs, ancient alliances. And the borders often still do, not only dividing those who would choose to live together but putting together those who had no wish to share a nation. State building has had a sharp contrast with traditional governance.

The second quirk, in my view, was that because independent states formed during the Cold War and anti-colonial struggles bore the kite marks of the Cold War, they rapidly became client states on either side of the ideological divide. The Cold War great powers may have done little for those states in many respects but they did add infrastructure and technicians of variable quality. But the African states could rely, as clients, on imported capacity to some extent. When the Cold War ended, almost all that assistance was either impossible for the Soviet bloc or no longer very relevant for the West. As did the Berlin Wall came down, so did interest. Hollowing out took hold in countries without institutions to withstand it. And certainly without institutions able to deal with the inbuilt fault lines of the earlier period.

What followed was conflict, internal to arbitrary boundaries and across those borders, conflict that usually demonstrated that few states had the sole use of legitimate force.

We all know only too well that unless conflict can be resolved, political and economic collapse reversed and stable, honest government established, the human misery will grow. The result will be further destabilisation across Africa with equally damaging consequences for the whole international community.

What I believe is becoming increasingly clear is that the only way to make progress is to look at these issues from a broader, regional perspective and for international policy to be focused on regional strategies. The history shows the frailty of a focus that is less than regional. In 2001 the UK launched the Africa Conflict Prevention Pool combining the expertise and resources of the three Government Departments most heavily involved in conflict resolution and peace-building in Africa: the FCO, DfID and MOD. Our aim – to provide a consolidated and co-ordinated input to G8 and EU peace support operations; to support the African Union and regional organisations' conflict prevention strategies and to build up their capacity to manage the whole conflict cycle from prevention through resolution to permanent peace.

Central to the effectiveness of our operation and our ability to work directly with local, national and international organisations on the ground are our four regional conflict advisers covering the four regions of Sub-Saharan Africa from their respective bases in Abuja, Addis Ababa, Nairobi and Pretoria. This network allows us to harmonise conflict prevention across an entire region and provides us with critical entry points for the Government's work with sub-regional organisations.

I want to look at conflict, post-conflict and potential conflict zones in those regions and consider to what extent a regional approach is or isn't working.

The first is West Africa where the UK has a major military and political investment in Sierra Leone following the intervention by British troops in 2000 which enabled the UN Mission to re-establish control. We remain heavily engaged in the rebuilding, reform and training of Sierra Leone's security forces, and remain the biggest bilateral partner in improving governance and helping tackle corruption.

But equally important to Sierra Leone's future stability is that of its neighbours: Guinea, Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire. We are working closely with ECOWAS, the US, EU and local NGOs in Guinea on political and economic reform and with France and UN Security Council members to successfully implement the fragile peace agreement in Cote d'Ivoire. In 2003 we provided a £3.5 million support package to facilitate the deployment of Ghanaian troops as part of ECOWAS's Mission in Cote d'Ivoire and a further financial package to cover the running costs of Nigerian troops in the ECOWAS Mission in Liberia. We have helped fund the UN office which will prepare for crucial elections in Cote d'Ivoire, and we take part in the international working group overseeing the AU peace plan. Three senior British Officers are now working in the UN Mission in Liberia and another British Officer will join the US team leading reform of the Liberian security sector, providing our experience from tackling the same thing in Sierra Leone.

Breaking the cycle of violence which has gripped Liberia for almost two decades is critical to peace in the region. The election of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf has raised hopes that stability can be achieved, at least in the medium term. We will give her every support we can. One way we have done this is by saying to the Special Court for Sierra Leone that, should Charles Taylor be convicted, he could serve his sentence in the UK. That has cleared the way for the UN to authorise Taylor's transfer to the Hague and thus remove his destabilising presence from the region. The decision also demonstrates in a very practical way the UK's commitment to international justice, even when that commitment comes at a price.

And I note a further tangible success. We worked with Nigeria and Cameroon to resolve their border dispute in Bakassi Peninsula. The formula repays study for its flexibility, its inventiveness, for going beyond old methods with African leaders capable of doing so.

The second area I want to look at is the Great Lakes region. There cannot be many places in the world where man has inflicted so much cruelty and suffering on fellow beings than in the DRC and its neighbouring countries. They are, at last, on the path to peace and democracy with elections scheduled in DRC for the end of July. We were able to support the AU's Peace Support Mission to Burundi in 2003, the first AU peace support operation, by helping finance the deployment of Mozambican troops as part of the Mission. And we are contributing experts to the EU mission working with other international including African partners to help assure security and fair elections in the DRC. The EU mission is helping reform the security sector as well as providing £5m in funding for basic support to the newly formed DRC army. Only with our practical support will the DRC army be able to work alongside the UN peacekeeping Mission to provide the security so badly needed in across the country.

Progress in one country will be under-mined if there is continued instability in a neighbouring country. So regional-wide initiatives are critical to peace. A key part of our strategy will be to support the Multi-Country Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme for ex-combatants and the Amani Great Lakes Inter-Parliamentary Forum on Peace. And by working alongside our partners, both in Africa and the EU, in multilateral initiatives. That, I believe, is the best way of ensuring the international community's long-term commitment to the region's peace.

Civilian populations in Uganda, DRC and Sudan are suffering from the dreadful abuses committed by the Ugandan Lords Resistance Army. In DRC, foreign and Congolese rebel groups are continuing to fight. Civilians bear the brunt of the pain. The US-facilitated Tripartite Plus process including Uganda, DRC, Rwanda and Burundi, has a critical role to play alongside the UN Missions in the region in trying to get agreement on how to tackle these armed groups and ensure that the regional peace is not undermined by these groups.

Some argue that unless far greater numbers of troops - whether African or international - are deployed to keep the peace across Africa, it will be impossible to keep rival factions at bay. They may be right. But that is almost certainly a political and economic impossibility. And the presence of any foreign troops in any country is always sensitive, however effective and indeed essential their presence might be to keeping the peace. That is why our focus must be on building up the capacity of Africa's own security forces and mediating skills through the AU and the regional organisations. Only then can we really help Africa tackle conflict and governance issues.

The major powder keg in Africa which is testing the power and resources of the African Union to its limits is Sudan and the Horn. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement are important steps in the right direction, as I mentioned earlier, but they are volatile and very fragile. A huge international effort will be required to bring about peace and we will certainly remain at the centre of that effort through the UN, through further support for the AU and by maintaining constant pressure on the Government of Sudan to implement the peace agreement.

With our UN partners we are also working closely with the Government of Chad in relation to the situation in Darfur. Chad's own internal security is being threatened by rebel action spilling over from Darfur and the continuing flow of refugees. And instability in Chad will make it harder to bring about peace in Darfur. Both issues need to be addressed simultaneously as was the case when the whole of the Security Council recently visited Sudan and Chad. They looked at every aspect of the conflict from a regional perspective.

As Ethiopia takes its first faltering steps along the road to democracy, the ongoing turmoil within Somalia risks further destabilising the whole region. So while we focus on Somalia's internal issues we need to be equally aware of their external impact. I hope that the international community will be able to do this within the context of the Somalia Contact Group, proposed by Norway and the US, which will include the European Commission and the UK with the UN and AU as observers. Through the Group we will continue to encourage the Transitional Federal Government and the Islamic Courts to work together to restore peace and security to Somalia.

The last region I want to talk about today, South Africa and its neighbours, has, I believe, the greatest prospect of long-term peace and prosperity. But that is being threatened by the political and economic collapse of Zimbabwe which ranks number five on the Failed States Index. The UK is already using every possible bilateral and multilateral avenue to put pressure on Mugabe to change his policies which are ruining his country and causing untold suffering and misery for the Zimbabwean people. And we continue to urge the South Africans to do likewise. At the recent UK South Africa Bilateral Forum in London we told the South Africans that if the Zimbabwean Government reversed its damaging policies, we and our EU and international partners would support the rebuilding of Zimbabwe. That is as much in South Africa's and other southern African countries' interests as well as Zimbabwe's.

Those who try to cast the issues as historic tensions between Robert Mugabe and the UK Government obscure, I believe deliberately, what this is about. For a start, we are not a government drawn from the historic colonial and land interests of the former Rhodesia. In my generation, members of the government learned much of our politics alongside the liberation movements and younger members have only known the period of independent states. So I won't buy any attempt to cast us as retread colonialists. And second, our formation taught us that human rights are the benchmark of a progressive democracy. The Zimbabwe issue is between the rulers of Zimbabwe and their subjugated peoples and we take the side of the many. Their needs provide the script to resolve the conflict, not an attempt at half-baked symbolism where leaders act out new-found pleasantries while the mass of the people starve without medicines in the ruins of their bull-dozed homes.

South Africa, a country I know well, has a critical role to play in Zimbabwe but also, I believe, as a leader in Africa and for Africa. The UK and South Africa co-operate closely on a wide spectrum of bilateral activities. And we are also working together on pan-African initiatives including the AU's African Standby Force, the Africa Partnership Forum to take forward the international commitments made in 2005 and the UK's recently launched regional plan for Southern Africa under which we have committed £20 million a year for cross-border initiatives to tackle poverty.

So is a regional approach to building peace, security and democracy working? I think the answer has to be that we must make it work because it is the only viable course. Where conflict and instability affect a group of neighbouring countries, the solution must embrace all those affected. And democracy, stability and economic growth embedded in one county will act as an incentive in another. At the next level further regional co-operation and integration can only strengthen burgeoning democracy and growth. African countries' trade with OECD countries is five times greater than with other African countries and ten times greater than the value of trade with neighbouring countries. So there is still along way to go but it is probably the only path available to Africa in an increasingly competitive global market place.

I began with the exodus of Africa's people from their homes and countries as a result of conflict and deprivation. What Africa needs most is peace and stability so that its people can go home both within their own countries and from outside. Many are doing so including to lead their countries as we are seeing in Liberia. Let us hope that many more will follow in their path. That will be the clearest sign of Africa on the path to success, not failure.

Congo-Kinshasa: EUFOR Mission Officially Launched
United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Kinshasa) June 23, 2006 Monuc

German General Karlheinz Viereck, commander of the EUFOR operation in DRC, which is charged with supporting the security of the upcoming elections with MONUC, officially launched the European Union mission today.

The official press conference unfolded in the hotel Memling in Kinshasa, in the presence of General Christian Damay, the operational commander of the force, as well as Aldo Ajello, the European Union special envoy to the Great Lakes region.

Mr. Ajello reminded the Congolese politicians that they had to engage in a productive electoral campaign.

"We are strongly concerned by what has happened in the past few weeks, but we are confident that the DRC can be an example to all other African countries in relation to the holding of credible democratic elections," he said.

In his address, General Viereck reiterated the military objective of the mission, which will bring European support to aid the success of the elections in DRC.

The elements of EUFOR will intervene in different parts of the country with the aim of assisting with regional security. Every intervention will involve close cooperation with MONUC forces and the National Congolese security forces.

"We are providing additional security for the Congolese people, and I'm confident that EUFOR will be visible," explained General Viereck.

The commander of EUFOR also assured those present that the actions of the European force will always be impartial.

"It is not a question of supporting individuals, and especially not the political parties. We are here to defend the interests of the Congolese people in the electoral period," he underlined.

He added that EUFOR would not tolerate any acts of violence aimed at hampering the progress of the elections and undermining the mission.

In relation to the planning of operations, General Viereck indicated that the mission would collaborate closely with the national Congolese police (PNC), as well as the national Congolese army (FARDC), and the MONUC forces that are operating in DRC. The coordination of the whole operation is being coordinated by military and civilian experts in Potsdam Germany, where the 'operational headquarters' is situated.

The first elements of the European force have just arrived in Kinshasa. This advance force of German, French and Belgian troops are preparing the arrival of 800 troops into Kinshasa. 1,200 other soldiers will form part of a strategic rapid reaction force, and will be based in the French military base in Libreville, Gabon.

The main tactical base of the mission will be situated in N'Dolo airport in Kinshasa, holding the bulk of the European forces stationed in the DRC. EUFOR forces will also be deployed in N'Djilli airport to oversee logistics.

EUFOR will be fully operational from July 29 2006, with an initial mandate period of four months.

Investir dans les infrastructures en Afrique: la Commission va consacrer 30 millions € aux principaux axes routiers en Tanzanie
23 juin 2006 http://www.welcomeurope.com

La Commission européenne a approuvé l’octroi de 30 millions € destinés à un vaste programme de modernisation des routes en Tanzanie.
Ce programme améliorera les liaisons entre Dar es-Salaam et Mwanza, deuxième ville de Tanzanie. Ces travaux de modernisation réduiront les coûts de transport dans le couloir central de l’Afrique de l’Est, permettant ainsi à un plus grand nombre de personnes d’accéder aux marchés et aux liaisons commerciales dans cette région. Ce programme s’ajoute aux plus de 170 millions € investis par l’Union européenne dans le réseau routier tanzanien depuis 2002, et fait partie d’une stratégie plus large de construction d’infrastructures reliant les pays du continent africain.

Ce programme permettra de moderniser les tronçons de la route entre Mwanza et Tinde, ainsi qu’entre Nzega et Isaka. Cette route fait partie du couloir central de l’Afrique de l’Est qui relie la capitale tanzanienne, Dar es-Salaam, à Mwanza, la ville qui connaît la plus forte croissance du pays, ainsi qu’aux pays voisins que sont l’Ouganda, le Rwanda, le Burundi et le Kenya. La Commission travaille avec plusieurs partenaires, y compris l’Agence routière tanzanienne, à la réalisation de ce projet qui devrait être achevé avant la fin de 2007.

Le renforcement des infrastructures et celui des liaisons dans toute l’Afrique figurent parmi les principaux objectifs de la stratégie UE-Afrique adoptée par le Conseil européen en décembre 2005. Cette stratégie propose de conclure un partenariat UE-Afrique pour les infrastructures, auquel la Commission mettra la dernière main le mois prochain. Ce partenariat engagera et soutiendra des programmes de construction de liaisons transafricaines et investira dans des infrastructures transfrontalières telles que des routes, des chemins de fer, des infrastructures dans le domaine de l’eau et de l’énergie et dans les TIC.

Cet investissement en Tanzanie fait partie d’un plus vaste plan des pouvoirs publics et des donateurs en Afrique orientale visant à développer un réseau de grands axes routiers entièrement bitumés et prévoir un financement spécifique pour les futurs travaux de maintenance. Ces routes contribueront à la croissance et aux échanges qui sont nécessaires pour réduire la pauvreté. Sans le soutien de l’Union européenne, les pouvoirs publics tanzaniens auraient été dans l’obligation de trouver eux-mêmes ce financement supplémentaire, éventuellement au détriment d’autres projets essentiels dans des secteurs tels que l’éducation ou la santé.

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